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[journal article]

dc.contributor.authorFinbow, Robert G.de
dc.date.accessioned2023-08-09T12:56:04Z
dc.date.available2023-08-09T12:56:04Z
dc.date.issued2023de
dc.identifier.issn2183-2463de
dc.identifier.urihttps://www.ssoar.info/ssoar/handle/document/88381
dc.description.abstractPopulist rejection of the embedded liberal international order is evident in many Western democracies. This is partly attributable to the architects of this system, who over-promised widespread benefits while ignoring warnings from labour and fair-trade advocates about risks to economic security from transnational economic competition. This article contrasts Canadian and American conservative populist positions on free trade. Globalisation and free trade without consideration for fair trade weakened the embedded liberal compromise and undermined the Keynesian welfare state model which sustained it. While regional free trade agreements like the North American Free Trade Agreement have had marginal negative effects, they became convenient scapegoats in a strategy of "othering" adopted by Trump and other populists. Populism arose in part in response to middle- and working-class decline (alongside cultural changes and revitalised nativism), which eroded support for embedded liberalism. The heretofore pro-trade GOP followed Trump to a more protectionist and bilateral model to press for "America first," tinged by nativist othering towards Mexico and China. This diverged from Canadian right-populist leaders, whose rhetoric generally supports freer trade despite scepticism among some supporters. Asymmetrical circumstances of the US as a global economic hegemon vs. Canada as trade-dependent middle power limits the feasibility of a protectionist, "Canada first" position while particularities of political and electoral systems create more room for nativism in the US. Polling results indicate support for free trade in both nations, with a priority for labour and social protections, which provides the potential for further engagement in progressive trade liberalisation. Hence a significant percentage of the population supports "fair-trade" approaches, not protectionism. However, many conservative politicians eschew fair-trade positions and endorse anti-labour policies. Despite gains such as the labour provisions in the Canada-US-Mexico Agreement, a right-populist alliance with fair-trade advocates and labour unions is unsustainable and would entail compromises like climate denial, anti-immigrant, and anti-equity approaches which hinder the pursuit of progressive multilateral trading regimes.de
dc.languageende
dc.subject.ddcWirtschaftde
dc.subject.ddcEconomicsen
dc.subject.ddcPolitikwissenschaftde
dc.subject.ddcPolitical scienceen
dc.subject.otherCanada–US–Mexico Agreement; globalisation; trade agreementsde
dc.titlePopulist Backlash and Trade Agreements in North America: The Prospects for Progressive Tradede
dc.description.reviewbegutachtet (peer reviewed)de
dc.description.reviewpeer revieweden
dc.identifier.urlhttps://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/6078/3106de
dc.source.journalPolitics and Governance
dc.source.volume11de
dc.publisher.countryPRTde
dc.source.issue1de
dc.subject.classozWirtschaftspolitikde
dc.subject.classozEconomic Policyen
dc.subject.classozpolitische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kulturde
dc.subject.classozPolitical Process, Elections, Political Sociology, Political Cultureen
dc.subject.thesozKanadade
dc.subject.thesozCanadaen
dc.subject.thesozUSAde
dc.subject.thesozUnited States of Americaen
dc.subject.thesozMexikode
dc.subject.thesozMexicoen
dc.subject.thesozinternationales Abkommende
dc.subject.thesozinternational agreementen
dc.subject.thesozNordamerikade
dc.subject.thesozNorth Americaen
dc.subject.thesozPopulismusde
dc.subject.thesozpopulismen
dc.subject.thesozHandelspolitikde
dc.subject.thesoztrade policyen
dc.subject.thesozGlobalisierungde
dc.subject.thesozglobalizationen
dc.subject.thesozProtektionismusde
dc.subject.thesozprotectionismen
dc.subject.thesozpolitische Entwicklungde
dc.subject.thesozpolitical developmenten
dc.subject.thesozFreihandelde
dc.subject.thesozfree tradeen
dc.rights.licenceCreative Commons - Namensnennung 4.0de
dc.rights.licenceCreative Commons - Attribution 4.0en
internal.statusformal und inhaltlich fertig erschlossende
internal.identifier.thesoz10048494
internal.identifier.thesoz10041244
internal.identifier.thesoz10042330
internal.identifier.thesoz10034390
internal.identifier.thesoz10035407
internal.identifier.thesoz10055018
internal.identifier.thesoz10046269
internal.identifier.thesoz10047868
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dc.type.stockarticlede
dc.type.documentZeitschriftenartikelde
dc.type.documentjournal articleen
dc.source.pageinfo237-248de
internal.identifier.classoz1090302
internal.identifier.classoz10504
internal.identifier.journal787
internal.identifier.document32
internal.identifier.ddc330
internal.identifier.ddc320
dc.source.issuetopicRe-Embedding Trade in the Shadow of Populismde
dc.identifier.doihttps://doi.org/10.17645/pag.v11i1.6078de
dc.description.pubstatusVeröffentlichungsversionde
dc.description.pubstatusPublished Versionen
internal.identifier.licence16
internal.identifier.pubstatus1
internal.identifier.review1
internal.dda.referencehttps://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/oai/@@oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/6078
ssoar.urn.registrationfalsede


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