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dc.contributor.authorStroetges, Fabiande
dc.date.accessioned2018-02-27T15:14:18Z
dc.date.available2018-02-27T15:14:18Z
dc.date.issued2018de
dc.identifier.issn2198-5936de
dc.identifier.urihttps://www.ssoar.info/ssoar/handle/document/56130
dc.description.abstractAs austerity protestors clash with security forces in Tunisia, the country's young democracy is threatened by a triple challenge: Insecurity, a lack of socioeconomic development and persistent corruption are interlinked and reinforce each other. Individually and in concert they undermine citizens' confidence in the democratic system and hamper its ability to produce democracy dividends. Corruption is the most pernicious of these three phenomena and improvements here could translate into tangible gains in the two other areas. To support Tunisian democracy, the European Union and its member states should therefore put a greater emphasis on anti-corruption efforts. Prime Minister Youssef Chahed's "war on corruption" provides a timely opportunity for this. But the window of opportunity can close quickly with a change of government. Thus, beside redoubling their efforts and making them sustainable, Europe should also develop policy options for a Tunisian political environment less open to anti-corruption cooperation.en
dc.languageende
dc.subject.ddcPolitikwissenschaftde
dc.subject.ddcPolitical scienceen
dc.titleIn the Triple Threat to Tunisia's Democracy, Corruption is Kingde
dc.description.reviewbegutachtetde
dc.description.reviewrevieweden
dc.source.volume1de
dc.publisher.countryDEU
dc.publisher.cityBerlinde
dc.source.seriesDGAP kompakt
dc.subject.classozPeace and Conflict Research, International Conflicts, Security Policyen
dc.subject.classozFriedens- und Konfliktforschung, Sicherheitspolitikde
dc.subject.classozPolitical Process, Elections, Political Sociology, Political Cultureen
dc.subject.classozpolitische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kulturde
dc.subject.thesozEUen
dc.subject.thesozcrime fightingen
dc.subject.thesozDemokratiede
dc.subject.thesozNordafrikade
dc.subject.thesozinnere Sicherheitde
dc.subject.thesozsocioeconomic developmenten
dc.subject.thesozarabische Länderde
dc.subject.thesozKorruptionde
dc.subject.thesozpolitische Stabilitätde
dc.subject.thesozconfidenceen
dc.subject.thesozEUde
dc.subject.thesozVerbrechensbekämpfungde
dc.subject.thesozformulation of political objectivesen
dc.subject.thesozsozioökonomische Entwicklungde
dc.subject.thesozpolitische Willensbildungde
dc.subject.thesozTunisiaen
dc.subject.thesozArab countriesen
dc.subject.thesozpolitical stabilityen
dc.subject.thesozdemocracyen
dc.subject.thesozTunesiende
dc.subject.thesozEntwicklungslandde
dc.subject.thesozVertrauende
dc.subject.thesozdomestic securityen
dc.subject.thesozNorth Africaen
dc.subject.thesozdeveloping countryen
dc.subject.thesozcorruptionen
dc.identifier.urnurn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-56130-8
dc.rights.licenceCreative Commons - Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 4.0en
dc.rights.licenceCreative Commons - Namensnennung, Nicht kommerz., Keine Bearbeitung 4.0de
internal.statusformal und inhaltlich fertig erschlossende
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dc.type.stockmonographde
dc.type.documentArbeitspapierde
dc.type.documentworking paperen
dc.source.pageinfo6de
internal.identifier.classoz10504
internal.identifier.classoz10507
internal.identifier.document3
dc.contributor.corporateeditorForschungsinstitut der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik e.V.
internal.identifier.corporateeditor108
internal.identifier.ddc320
dc.description.pubstatusPublished Versionen
dc.description.pubstatusVeröffentlichungsversionde
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