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dc.contributor.authorKohnert, Dirkde
dc.date.accessioned2018-02-21T12:34:48Z
dc.date.available2018-02-21T12:34:48Z
dc.date.issued2018de
dc.identifier.urihttps://www.ssoar.info/ssoar/handle/document/55999
dc.description.abstractAuthor’s extended and updated version of 'BTI 2018 - Togo Country Report'. Abstract: The presidential elections of 25 April 2015 resulted in a victory for the incumbent, Faure Gnassingbé. Thus, he secured his third five-year term, consolidating the Gnassingbé-clan’s grip on power. The latter have ruled the country since 1967. In view of the ruling party’s absolute parliamentary majority, further meaningful constitutional and electoral reforms that would have been required for free and fair elections have been postponed indefinitely. Overriding concerns for stability in West Africa in view of the growing threat from Islamist terrorist organizations, combined with Togo’s role as contributor of soldiers meant that the international community largely ignored the government’s indefinite postponement of democratic reforms and local elections. However, the simmering discontent of hardliners within the security forces and the ruling party remained evident. The opposition tried unsuccessfully to overcome internal divisions between its moderate and radical wings. An alliance of opposition parties and civil society groups organized frequently peaceful demonstrations in opposition to the regime, which were violently suppressed. Yet, the human rights record of the government has improved but remains poor. A tense political climate persisted due to the presidential elections in April 2015, and the apparent determination of the president to stay in power for a third and possible a fourth term whatever the cost. Despite undeniable improvements to the framework and appearance of the regime’s key institutions during the review period, democracy remains far from complete. However, the international community, notably Togo’s African peers, the AU and ECOWAS, as well as the Bretton-Woods Institutions, China and the European Union (EU), followed a ‘laissez faire’ approach in the interests of regional stability and their national interests in dealing with Togo. Economic growth remained stable at about 5% per annum. Public investment in infrastructure (e.g. roads, harbor) and increases in agricultural productivity, notably of export crops, had been the key drivers of economic growth. However, growth remains vulnerable to external shocks and the climate and has not been inclusive. Positive growth was overshadowed by increasing inter-personal and regional inequality as well as an increase in extreme poverty. Moreover, money laundering and illegal money transfers grew alarmingly. The business climate improved considerably nevertheless. Though the World Bank still defines Togo as low income, fragile stat, the government aims to achieve the status of a developing economy.en
dc.description.abstractThe presidential elections of 25 April 2015 resulted in a victory for the incumbent, Faure Gnassingbé. Thus, he secured his third five-year term, consolidating the Gnassingbé-clan’s grip on power. The latter have ruled the country since 1967. In view of the ruling party’s absolute parliamentary majority, further meaningful constitutional and electoral reforms that would have been required for free and fair elections have been postponed indefinitely. Overriding concerns for stability in West Africa in view of the growing threat from Islamist terrorist organizations, combined with Togo’s role as contributor of soldiers meant that the international community largely ignored the government’s indefinite postponement of democratic reforms and local elections. However, the simmering discontent of hardliners within the security forces and the ruling party remained evident. The opposition tried unsuccessfully to overcome internal divisions between its moderate and radical wings. An alliance of opposition parties and civil society groups organized frequently peaceful demonstrations in opposition to the regime, which were violently suppressed. Yet, the human rights record of the government has improved but remains poor. A tense political climate persisted due to the presidential elections in April 2015, and the apparent determination of the president to stay in power for a third and possible a fourth term whatever the cost. Despite undeniable improvements to the framework and appearance of the regime’s key institutions during the review period, democracy remains far from complete. However, the international community, notably Togo’s African peers, the AU and ECOWAS, as well as the Bretton-Woods Institutions, China and the European Union (EU), followed a ‘laissez faire’ approach in the interests of regional stability and their national interests in dealing with Togo. Economic growth remained stable at about 5% per annum. Public investment in infrastructure (e.g. roads, harbor) and increases in agricultural productivity, notably of export crops, had been the key drivers of economic growth. However, growth remains vulnerable to external shocks and the climate and has not been inclusive. Positive growth was overshadowed by increasing inter-personal and regional inequality as well as an increase in extreme poverty. Moreover, money laundering and illegal money transfers grew alarmingly. The business climate improved considerably nevertheless. Though the World Bank still defines Togo as low income, fragile stat, the government aims to achieve the status of a developing economy.en
dc.languageende
dc.subject.ddcPolitikwissenschaftde
dc.subject.ddcPolitical scienceen
dc.titleTogo: Political and Socio-Economic Development (2015-2017)de
dc.description.reviewbegutachtet (peer reviewed)de
dc.description.reviewpeer revieweden
dc.publisher.countryDEU
dc.subject.classozPolitikwissenschaftde
dc.subject.classozPolitical Scienceen
dc.subject.thesozTogode
dc.subject.thesozTogoen
dc.subject.thesozWestafrikade
dc.subject.thesozWest Africaen
dc.subject.thesozGood Governancede
dc.subject.thesozgood governanceen
dc.subject.thesozDemokratisierungde
dc.subject.thesozdemocratizationen
dc.subject.thesozInnenpolitikde
dc.subject.thesozdomestic policyen
dc.subject.thesozAußenpolitikde
dc.subject.thesozforeign policyen
dc.subject.thesozWirtschaftsentwicklungde
dc.subject.thesozeconomic development (on national level)en
dc.subject.thesozpolitische Entwicklungde
dc.subject.thesozpolitical developmenten
dc.subject.thesozsozioökonomische Entwicklungde
dc.subject.thesozsocioeconomic developmenten
dc.subject.thesozEntwicklungshilfede
dc.subject.thesozdevelopment aiden
dc.identifier.urnurn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-55999-9
dc.rights.licenceCreative Commons - Namensnennung, Nicht-kommerz., Weitergabe unter gleichen Bedingungen 4.0de
dc.rights.licenceCreative Commons - Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0en
ssoar.contributor.institutionGIGAde
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dc.source.pageinfo43de
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dc.description.pubstatusVeröffentlichungsversionde
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