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Treibhausgasneutralität als Klimaziel priorisieren: die EU und Deutschland sollten eine ehrgeizigere und zugleich pragmatischere Klimapolitik betreiben
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dc.contributor.authorGeden, Oliver
dc.date.accessioned2017-12-15T16:02:55Z
dc.date.available2017-12-15T16:02:55Z
dc.date.issued2017
dc.identifier.issn1861-1761
dc.identifier.urihttp://www.ssoar.info/ssoar/handle/document/55099
dc.description.abstractTwo years after the climate summit in Paris, the euphoria over the diplomatic break-through and adoption of new targets - holding the temperature increase to well below 2 degrees Celsius, preferably even to 1.5 degrees - has largely evaporated. There has been little sign of additional ambition in climate change mitigation since. One fundamental problem is the global nature of temperature targets, which are little suited for generating concrete national action plans and not at all suited for evaluating emissions reduction measures implemented by governments or businesses. Starting with the "facilitative dialogue" being prepared at the Bonn climate summit for 2018, it is the third Paris mitigation target that should be the benchmark: namely to attain greenhouse-gas neutrality in the second half of the century. The European Commission and member states of the European Union (EU) should make the zero emissions target their central reference point in reformulating the Climate Roadmap 2050 and in adopting a long-term decarbonisation strategy. This could provide the opportunity to redesign the EU’s climate policy so as to make it both more ambitious and more pragmatic. (author's abstract)en
dc.languageen
dc.subject.ddcPolitikwissenschaftde
dc.subject.ddcPolitical scienceen
dc.titlePrioritise greenhouse gas neutrality: EU and German climate policy should be more ambitious and more pragmatic
dc.title.alternativeTreibhausgasneutralität als Klimaziel priorisieren: die EU und Deutschland sollten eine ehrgeizigere und zugleich pragmatischere Klimapolitik betreiben
dc.description.reviewbegutachtetde
dc.description.reviewrevieweden
dc.source.volume48/2017
dc.publisher.countryDEU
dc.publisher.cityBerlin
dc.source.seriesSWP Commentde
dc.subject.classozspezielle Ressortpolitikde
dc.subject.classozSpecial areas of Departmental Policyen
dc.subject.thesozBundesrepublik Deutschlandde
dc.subject.thesozFederal Republic of Germanyen
dc.subject.thesozEUde
dc.subject.thesozEUen
dc.subject.thesozUmweltpolitikde
dc.subject.thesozenvironmental policyen
dc.subject.thesozKlimaschutzde
dc.subject.thesozclimate protectionen
dc.subject.thesozTreibhauseffektde
dc.subject.thesozgreenhouse effecten
dc.subject.thesozEmissionde
dc.subject.thesozemissionen
dc.subject.thesozKlimapolitikde
dc.subject.thesozclimate policyen
dc.subject.thesozinternationales Abkommende
dc.subject.thesozinternational agreementen
dc.identifier.urnurn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-55099-7
dc.rights.licenceDeposit Licence - Keine Weiterverbreitung, keine Bearbeitungde
dc.rights.licenceDeposit Licence - No Redistribution, No Modificationsen
ssoar.contributor.institutionSWP
internal.statusformal und inhaltlich fertig erschlossen
internal.identifier.thesoz10037571
internal.identifier.thesoz10041441
internal.identifier.thesoz10034829
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internal.identifier.thesoz10041999
internal.identifier.thesoz10076323
internal.identifier.thesoz10034390
dc.type.stockmonograph
dc.type.documentStellungnahmede
dc.type.documentcommenten
dc.source.pageinfo4
internal.identifier.classoz10508
internal.identifier.document27
dc.contributor.corporateeditorStiftung Wissenschaft und Politik -SWP- Deutsches Institut für Internationale Politik und Sicherheit
internal.identifier.corporateeditor292
internal.identifier.ddc320
dc.description.pubstatusVeröffentlichungsversionde
dc.description.pubstatusPublished Versionen
internal.identifier.licence3
internal.identifier.pubstatus1
internal.identifier.review2
internal.identifier.series756
dc.subject.classhort10500
internal.pdf.version1.3
internal.pdf.validtrue
internal.pdf.wellformedtrue
internal.check.abstractlanguageharmonizerCERTAIN
internal.check.languageharmonizerCERTAIN_RETAINED


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