Show simple item record

[journal article]

dc.contributor.authorIsaacs, Ricode
dc.date.accessioned2025-09-16T06:38:29Z
dc.date.available2025-09-16T06:38:29Z
dc.date.issued2020de
dc.identifier.issn1863-0421de
dc.identifier.urihttps://www.ssoar.info/ssoar/handle/document/104812
dc.description.abstractAfter nearly 30 years in power, Nursultan Nazarbayev's decision to stand down on the 19th March 2019 as president of Kazakhstan took many observers by surprise. The former prime minister and speaker of the Kazakh Senate, Kassym-Zhomart Tokayev, took up the post of acting president as constitutionally designated, and then won an extraordinary presidential election in June 2019, which was marred by opposition protest demanding fairer elections and political reform. But the transition is one in which little has changed in the short to medium-term. Nazarbayev still holds power through a series of extra-constitutional and constitutional positions and his informal power and influence is all encompassing. Moreover, Tokayev is committed to maintaining Nazarbayev's policies, especially as they pertain to Kazakh-Russian relations and the broader foreign policy agenda of 'multi-vectorism'. Within that agenda, however, there remain significant tensions in Kazakh-Russian relations, especially as they relate to questions of security and Russian soft-power. One important legacy of the Kazakh model of presidential transition is the extent to which it represents an exemplar for other post-Soviet authoritarian leaders to follow whereby they give up the office of president, but not power.de
dc.languageende
dc.subject.ddcInternationale Beziehungende
dc.subject.ddcInternational relationsen
dc.titleRussia-Kazakhstan Relations and the Tokayev-Nazarbayev Tandemde
dc.description.reviewbegutachtet (peer reviewed)de
dc.description.reviewpeer revieweden
dc.source.journalRussian Analytical Digest
dc.publisher.countryDEUde
dc.source.issue248de
dc.subject.classozinternationale Beziehungen, Entwicklungspolitikde
dc.subject.classozInternational Relations, International Politics, Foreign Affairs, Development Policyen
dc.subject.thesozinternationale Beziehungende
dc.subject.thesozinternational relationsen
dc.subject.thesozRusslandde
dc.subject.thesozRussiaen
dc.subject.thesozKasachstande
dc.subject.thesozKazakhstanen
dc.subject.thesozSicherheitspolitikde
dc.subject.thesozsecurity policyen
dc.subject.thesozAußenpolitikde
dc.subject.thesozforeign policyen
dc.subject.thesozChinade
dc.subject.thesozChinaen
dc.identifier.urnurn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-104812-2
dc.rights.licenceCreative Commons - Namensnennung, Nicht-kommerz., Weitergabe unter gleichen Bedingungen 4.0de
dc.rights.licenceCreative Commons - Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0en
ssoar.contributor.institutionForschungsstelle Osteuropa an der Universität Bremende
internal.statusformal und inhaltlich fertig erschlossende
internal.identifier.thesoz10037331
internal.identifier.thesoz10057012
internal.identifier.thesoz10042362
internal.identifier.thesoz10037376
internal.identifier.thesoz10034694
internal.identifier.thesoz10040272
dc.type.stockarticlede
dc.type.documentZeitschriftenartikelde
dc.type.documentjournal articleen
dc.source.pageinfo2-5de
internal.identifier.classoz10505
internal.identifier.journal1742
internal.identifier.document32
internal.identifier.ddc327
dc.source.issuetopicCentral Asiade
dc.identifier.doihttps://doi.org/10.3929/ethz-b-000401980de
dc.description.pubstatusVeröffentlichungsversionde
dc.description.pubstatusPublished Versionen
internal.identifier.licence36
internal.identifier.pubstatus1
internal.identifier.review1
dc.subject.classhort10500de
internal.pdf.validfalse
internal.pdf.wellformedtrue
internal.pdf.encryptedfalse


Files in this item

Thumbnail

This item appears in the following Collection(s)

Show simple item record