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[journal article]

dc.contributor.authorWatt, Parkerde
dc.date.accessioned2025-08-05T11:40:28Z
dc.date.available2025-08-05T11:40:28Z
dc.date.issued2025de
dc.identifier.issn2941-7139de
dc.identifier.urihttps://www.ssoar.info/ssoar/handle/document/104357
dc.description.abstractRussian disinformation is no new phenomenon. Its international distribution has been recognized extensively, particularly in light of recent US and European elections, as well as Russia's broader goals in its unprovoked war of aggression on Ukraine. However, recent developments within domestic American politics make the United States particularly vulnerable to Russian disinformation. In light of US President Trump's first known call with Russian President Vladimir Putin in February 2025, it is important to understand how the Russian disinformation network can be used to exploit this vulnerability leading up to possible peace negotiations. This article examines Russia's deployment of disinformation in the United States from the run-up to the 2024 presidential election through President Biden's final Ukraine aid announcement in December 2024. In doing so, it seeks to explain how contemporary Russian disinformation adapts to the changing domestic contexts and effectively utilizes existing discourse to sow divisions in the American populace. It then examines how certain policy decisions of the Trump administration have made the new government more vulnerable to such disinformation. It is important for American and world leaders to understand how America might be particularly susceptible around negotiations; however, the deployment of Russian disinformation is a permanent fixture of Putin's regime. Therefore, American and other world leaders would be wise to understand their own vulnerabilities to Russian influence no matter how and when negotiations end.de
dc.languageende
dc.subject.ddcInternationale Beziehungende
dc.subject.ddcInternational relationsen
dc.titleThe Increasing Vulnerability of American Society to Russian Disinformation Todayde
dc.description.reviewbegutachtet (peer reviewed)de
dc.description.reviewpeer revieweden
dc.source.journalUkrainian Analytical Digest
dc.publisher.countryDEUde
dc.source.issue11de
dc.subject.classozinternationale Beziehungen, Entwicklungspolitikde
dc.subject.classozInternational Relations, International Politics, Foreign Affairs, Development Policyen
dc.subject.thesozUkrainede
dc.subject.thesozUkraineen
dc.subject.thesozRusslandde
dc.subject.thesozRussiaen
dc.subject.thesozUSAde
dc.subject.thesozUnited States of Americaen
dc.subject.thesozDesinformationde
dc.subject.thesozdisinformationen
dc.subject.thesozpolitischer Einflussde
dc.subject.thesozpolitical influenceen
dc.identifier.urnurn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-104357-3
dc.rights.licenceCreative Commons - Namensnennung, Nicht kommerz., Keine Bearbeitung 4.0de
dc.rights.licenceCreative Commons - Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 4.0en
ssoar.contributor.institutionForschungsstelle Osteuropa an der Universität Bremende
internal.statusformal und inhaltlich fertig erschlossende
internal.identifier.thesoz10064141
internal.identifier.thesoz10057012
internal.identifier.thesoz10041244
internal.identifier.thesoz10063936
internal.identifier.thesoz10041597
dc.type.stockarticlede
dc.type.documentZeitschriftenartikelde
dc.type.documentjournal articleen
dc.source.pageinfo25-30de
internal.identifier.classoz10505
internal.identifier.journal2738
internal.identifier.document32
internal.identifier.ddc327
dc.source.issuetopicWarfare and International Relationsde
dc.identifier.doihttps://doi.org/10.3929/ethz-b-000722714de
dc.description.pubstatusVeröffentlichungsversionde
dc.description.pubstatusPublished Versionen
internal.identifier.licence20
internal.identifier.pubstatus1
internal.identifier.review1
dc.subject.classhort10500de
internal.pdf.validfalse
internal.pdf.wellformedtrue
internal.pdf.encryptedfalse


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