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dc.contributor.authorRubin, Maxinede
dc.date.accessioned2025-07-11T13:26:39Z
dc.date.available2025-07-11T13:26:39Z
dc.date.issued2025de
dc.identifier.urihttps://www.ssoar.info/ssoar/handle/document/103595
dc.description.abstractThe International Criminal Court, created in 2002 and crystallised post-WWII, strives for a rules-based global order. Today that order is wobbly at best. Adherence to the Court's arrest warrant for Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu for alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity in Gaza is a litmus test for Germany's oft-stated commitment to global rules and norms. A known weakness of the International Criminal Court (ICC) is its dependence on cooperation from its 125 member states to execute arrest warrants. Disregarding such warrants challenges the Court’s authority and damages its credibility. Sudan’s former president Omar al-Bashir's visits to numerous member states following his arrest warrants exposed how states prioritised political alliances over ICC obligations. Similarly, political alliances with Israel have hindered the execution of the ICC's arrest warrant for Netanyahu. Although a non-member, the US announced sanctions against some ICC staff, which looms as an obstacle for ICC operations. Among ICC members, Hungary recently declared its withdrawal from the Court and German chancellor Friedrich Merz stated Netanyahu would be able to visit Germany without arrest. Western reactions to the Netanyahu government's conduct of the war in Gaza continue to fuel fierce allegations of double standards across the Global South. Welcoming Netanyahu in Germany would be read as a public signal of prioritising relations with the Israeli prime minister over international rules and Germany’s commitment to human rights.de
dc.languageende
dc.subject.ddcInternationale Beziehungende
dc.subject.ddcInternational relationsen
dc.subject.otherNetanyahu, Binyamin; Haftbefehl; Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeitde
dc.titleThe International Criminal Court, Netanyahu, and Berlin's Dilemmade
dc.description.reviewbegutachtetde
dc.description.reviewrevieweden
dc.source.volume3de
dc.publisher.countryDEUde
dc.publisher.cityHamburgde
dc.source.seriesGIGA Focus Global
dc.subject.classozinternationale Beziehungen, Entwicklungspolitikde
dc.subject.classozInternational Relations, International Politics, Foreign Affairs, Development Policyen
dc.subject.thesozIsraelde
dc.subject.thesozIsraelen
dc.subject.thesozBundesrepublik Deutschlandde
dc.subject.thesozFederal Republic of Germanyen
dc.subject.thesozinternationale Beziehungende
dc.subject.thesozinternational relationsen
dc.subject.thesozinternationales Rechtde
dc.subject.thesozinternational lawen
dc.subject.thesozInternationaler Strafgerichtshofde
dc.subject.thesozInternational Criminal Courten
dc.subject.thesozStaatsoberhauptde
dc.subject.thesozhead of stateen
dc.subject.thesozKriegsverbrechende
dc.subject.thesozwar crimeen
dc.subject.thesozinternationale Zusammenarbeitde
dc.subject.thesozinternational cooperationen
dc.subject.thesozRechtde
dc.subject.thesozlawen
dc.subject.thesozMoralde
dc.subject.thesozmoralityen
dc.subject.thesozAußenpolitikde
dc.subject.thesozforeign policyen
dc.identifier.urnurn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-103595-5
dc.rights.licenceCreative Commons - Namensnennung, Keine Bearbeitung 3.0de
dc.rights.licenceCreative Commons - Attribution-NoDerivs 3.0en
ssoar.contributor.institutionGIGAde
internal.statusformal und inhaltlich fertig erschlossende
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dc.type.stockmonographde
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dc.type.documentworking paperen
dc.source.pageinfo11de
internal.identifier.classoz10505
internal.identifier.document3
dc.contributor.corporateeditorGerman Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA) - Leibniz-Institut für Globale und Regionale Studien
internal.identifier.corporateeditor1212
internal.identifier.ddc327
dc.identifier.doihttps://doi.org/10.57671/gfgl-25032de
dc.description.pubstatusVeröffentlichungsversionde
dc.description.pubstatusPublished Versionen
internal.identifier.licence27
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