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[journal article]

dc.contributor.authorSmirnov, P. E.de
dc.date.accessioned2024-01-23T10:29:11Z
dc.date.available2024-01-23T10:29:11Z
dc.date.issued2023de
dc.identifier.issn2310-0524de
dc.identifier.urihttps://www.ssoar.info/ssoar/handle/document/91501
dc.description.abstractThe article examines Sweden's and Finland's motives for ending their long-time non-aligned policies and joining NATO after Russia had launched a special military operation in Ukraine in February 2022. The two countries’ decision is shown to be in the interest of the United States, which has always sought to fill the geopolitical vacuum reigning after the collapse of the opposing Soviet bloc and the Soviet Union itself. Finland and Sweden were the missing links for Washington and NATO in the Baltic region and Northern Europe as a whole. The study analyses the major consequences of these geopolitical changes for Russia in the Baltic region. These include the increasing disparity in armed forces with NATO, the substantial expansion of the border with the Alliance, the acquisition of new territorial and infrastructural capabilities by NATO to deploy reinforcements and military equipment from member countries to the region, the potential stationing of nuclear weapons on the territories of new member countries, the risk of blockading the Kaliningrad region, as well as the Gulf of Finland, and the Danish straits for Russian vessels. It is stressed that in the current circumstances, Russia needs to consider multiple scenarios in the Baltic region. On the one hand, it must safeguard its interests with minimal damage. On the other hand, it is crucial to steer clear of uncontrolled escalation of tensions with NATO, as it entails the risk of a military clash.de
dc.languageende
dc.subject.ddcPolitikwissenschaftde
dc.subject.ddcPolitical scienceen
dc.subject.otherKaliningrad region; naval activity; infrastructure; blockadede
dc.titleThe Accession of Finland and Sweden to NATO: Geopolitical implications for Russia's position in the Baltic Sea regionde
dc.description.reviewbegutachtet (peer reviewed)de
dc.description.reviewpeer revieweden
dc.source.journalBaltic Region
dc.source.volume15de
dc.publisher.countryRUSde
dc.source.issue4de
dc.subject.classozFriedens- und Konfliktforschung, Sicherheitspolitikde
dc.subject.classozPeace and Conflict Research, International Conflicts, Security Policyen
dc.subject.thesozBaltikumde
dc.subject.thesozBaltic Statesen
dc.subject.thesozRusslandde
dc.subject.thesozRussiaen
dc.subject.thesozNATOde
dc.subject.thesozNATOen
dc.subject.thesozMilitärde
dc.subject.thesozmilitaryen
dc.subject.thesozKernwaffede
dc.subject.thesoznuclear weaponen
dc.subject.thesozSchwedende
dc.subject.thesozSwedenen
dc.subject.thesozFinnlandde
dc.subject.thesozFinlanden
dc.subject.thesozKriegde
dc.subject.thesozwaren
dc.subject.thesozUkrainede
dc.subject.thesozUkraineen
dc.subject.thesozBedrohungde
dc.subject.thesozthreaten
dc.subject.thesozVerteidigungspolitikde
dc.subject.thesozdefense policyen
dc.rights.licenceCreative Commons - Namensnennung 4.0de
dc.rights.licenceCreative Commons - Attribution 4.0en
internal.statusformal und inhaltlich fertig erschlossende
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dc.type.stockarticlede
dc.type.documentZeitschriftenartikelde
dc.type.documentjournal articleen
dc.source.pageinfo42-61de
internal.identifier.classoz10507
internal.identifier.journal38
internal.identifier.document32
internal.identifier.ddc320
dc.identifier.doihttps://doi.org/10.5922/2079-8555-2023-4-3de
dc.description.pubstatusVeröffentlichungsversionde
dc.description.pubstatusPublished Versionen
internal.identifier.licence16
internal.identifier.pubstatus1
internal.identifier.review1
internal.pdf.validfalse
internal.pdf.wellformedtrue
internal.pdf.encryptedfalse
ssoar.urn.registrationfalsede


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