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dc.contributor.authorBiba, Sebastiande
dc.date.accessioned2022-08-17T15:07:01Z
dc.date.available2022-08-17T15:07:01Z
dc.date.issued2022de
dc.identifier.issn1862-359Xde
dc.identifier.urihttps://www.ssoar.info/ssoar/handle/document/80945
dc.description.abstractChina's attitude towards the War in Ukraine can be described as "pro-Russian neutrality." This awkward stance has gone against high hopes, particularly in Europe, that the war could be China's moment to improve its tarnished international image by condemning Russia's aggression. However, such hopes have been unrealistic, and they have also not been substantiated by policy measures expedient to incentivising China's support. Following Russia's invasion of Ukraine, China has all in all manoeuvred cautiously. While China has lent Moscow its rhetorical support, it has shied away from providing material assistance. This shows that the war has put Beijing in a difficult position, in which it seeks to balance diverging international interests and maintain control over a challenging domestic environment. Ultimately, for China preserving its close ties with Russia takes precedence over not exacerbating its tense relations with the West. This is because the Kremlin is China's single-most important partner in its global strategic rivalry with the United States. From Beijing's viewpoint, this rivalry has only intensified further under the Joe Biden administration, which is why it has now become locked in as the key determinant of China's foreign policy. As the war is dragging on and might produce a number of outcomes unfavourable to China's own aspirations, the country's leaders have an interest in de-escalation and a negotiated settlement. This does not mean that China would be willing - or well-placed - to act as a mediator. It does mean, however, that China could help nudge Russia towards ending the war. In a world of escalating US-China rivalry, thinking the latter will abandon Russia over Ukraine is fanciful. But China is likewise interested in de-escalation. Therefore, China's leaders might still be swayed to play a more constructive role regarding bringing the war to an end. For that to happen, however, European decision makers would need to change course and try offering Beijing tangible inducements instead of solely delivering threats.de
dc.languageende
dc.subject.ddcInternationale Beziehungende
dc.subject.ddcInternational relationsen
dc.titleHow to Make China Help Bring the War in Ukraine to an Endde
dc.description.reviewbegutachtetde
dc.description.reviewrevieweden
dc.source.volume3
dc.publisher.countryDEUde
dc.publisher.cityHamburgde
dc.source.seriesGIGA Focus Asien
dc.subject.classozInternational Relations, International Politics, Foreign Affairs, Development Policyen
dc.subject.classozinternationale Beziehungen, Entwicklungspolitikde
dc.subject.thesozBundesrepublik Deutschlandde
dc.subject.thesozEUen
dc.subject.thesozKriegsendede
dc.subject.thesozinternational relationsen
dc.subject.thesozAngriffskriegde
dc.subject.thesozforeign policyen
dc.subject.thesozRusslandde
dc.subject.thesozWirkungde
dc.subject.thesozFederal Republic of Germanyen
dc.subject.thesozRussiaen
dc.subject.thesozwar of aggressionen
dc.subject.thesozeffecten
dc.subject.thesozUkraineen
dc.subject.thesozChinade
dc.subject.thesozwaren
dc.subject.thesozEUde
dc.subject.thesozKriegsausbruchde
dc.subject.thesozAuswirkungde
dc.subject.thesozend of the waren
dc.subject.thesozKonfliktde
dc.subject.thesozKriegde
dc.subject.thesozconflicten
dc.subject.thesozUkrainede
dc.subject.thesozimpacten
dc.subject.thesozAußenpolitikde
dc.subject.thesozoutbreak of waren
dc.subject.thesozinternationale Beziehungende
dc.subject.thesozChinaen
dc.identifier.urnurn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-80945-1
dc.rights.licenceCreative Commons - Namensnennung, Keine Bearbeitung 3.0de
dc.rights.licenceCreative Commons - Attribution-NoDerivs 3.0en
ssoar.contributor.institutionGIGAde
internal.statusformal und inhaltlich fertig erschlossende
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dc.type.stockmonographde
dc.type.documentArbeitspapierde
dc.type.documentworking paperen
dc.source.pageinfo9de
internal.identifier.classoz10505
internal.identifier.document3
dc.contributor.corporateeditorGerman Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA) - Leibniz-Institut für Globale und Regionale Studien, Institut für Asien-Studien
internal.identifier.corporateeditor1214
internal.identifier.ddc327
dc.identifier.doihttps://doi.org/10.57671/gfas-22032de
dc.description.pubstatusPublished Versionen
dc.description.pubstatusVeröffentlichungsversionde
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dc.subject.classhort10500de
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