dc.contributor.author | Seufert, Günter | de |
dc.date.accessioned | 2020-03-26T10:47:08Z | |
dc.date.available | 2020-03-26T10:47:08Z | |
dc.date.issued | 2020 | de |
dc.identifier.issn | 1861-1761 | de |
dc.identifier.uri | https://www.ssoar.info/ssoar/handle/document/66994 | |
dc.description.abstract | On 27 November 2019, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan declared that Turkey had concluded a treaty on military assistance and cooperation with the government of Fayez al-Sarraj in Libya. The agreement permits the deployment of Turkish troops into the civil-war-torn country. The announcement was met with almost unanimous criticism in Western Europe. The indignation grew even greater when it became known that Turkey was controlling and financing the smuggling of Islamic Syrian fighters into Libya. Reports of a dominant influence of the Muslim Brotherhood on the Libyan government seemed to complete the picture of a strongly Islamist-motivated Turkish policy. However, Turkey's engagement in Libya is not driven by ideology, but rather by strategic considerations and economic interests. Ankara is thus reacting to its isolation in the eastern Mediterranean, where the dispute over the distribution of gas resources is intensifying. At the same time, Turkey is drawing lessons from the war in Syria. Ankara has lost this war, but through its engagement in Syria, it has been able to establish a conflictual - but viable - working relationship with Russia. The bottom line is that Turkey’s commitment to Libya is a shift in the focus of its foreign policy from the Middle East to the Mediterranean, a shift that will present entirely new challenges to Europe, the European Union (EU), and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). (author's abstract) | de |
dc.language | en | de |
dc.subject.ddc | Internationale Beziehungen | de |
dc.subject.ddc | International relations | en |
dc.subject.other | Wirtschaftliche Interessen; regionaler internationaler Konflikt; Fragile Staaten/Gescheiterte Staaten | de |
dc.title | Turkey shifts the focus of its foreign policy: from Syria to the eastern Mediterranean and Libya | de |
dc.title.alternative | Die Türkei verlagert den Schwerpunkt ihrer Außenpolitik: von Syrien ins östliche Mittelmeer und Libyen | de |
dc.description.review | begutachtet | de |
dc.description.review | reviewed | en |
dc.source.volume | 6/2020 | de |
dc.publisher.country | DEU | |
dc.publisher.city | Berlin | de |
dc.source.series | SWP Comment | |
dc.subject.classoz | internationale Beziehungen, Entwicklungspolitik | de |
dc.subject.classoz | International Relations, International Politics, Foreign Affairs, Development Policy | en |
dc.subject.thesoz | Türkei | de |
dc.subject.thesoz | Turkey | en |
dc.subject.thesoz | Außenpolitik | de |
dc.subject.thesoz | foreign policy | en |
dc.subject.thesoz | internationale Beziehungen | de |
dc.subject.thesoz | international relations | en |
dc.subject.thesoz | Syrien | de |
dc.subject.thesoz | Syria | en |
dc.subject.thesoz | Libyen | de |
dc.subject.thesoz | Libya | en |
dc.subject.thesoz | Mittelmeerraum | de |
dc.subject.thesoz | Mediterranean region | en |
dc.subject.thesoz | politische Strategie | de |
dc.subject.thesoz | political strategy | en |
dc.subject.thesoz | natürliche Ressourcen | de |
dc.subject.thesoz | natural resources | en |
dc.subject.thesoz | Erdgas | de |
dc.subject.thesoz | natural gas | en |
dc.subject.thesoz | Interessenkonflikt | de |
dc.subject.thesoz | conflict of interest | en |
dc.subject.thesoz | Failed State | de |
dc.subject.thesoz | failed state | en |
dc.subject.thesoz | arabische Länder | de |
dc.subject.thesoz | Arab countries | en |
dc.subject.thesoz | Nahost | de |
dc.subject.thesoz | Middle East | en |
dc.identifier.urn | urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-66994-6 | |
dc.rights.licence | Deposit Licence - Keine Weiterverbreitung, keine Bearbeitung | de |
dc.rights.licence | Deposit Licence - No Redistribution, No Modifications | en |
ssoar.contributor.institution | SWP | de |
internal.status | formal und inhaltlich fertig erschlossen | de |
internal.identifier.thesoz | 10036847 | |
internal.identifier.thesoz | 10034694 | |
internal.identifier.thesoz | 10037331 | |
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internal.identifier.thesoz | 10035868 | |
internal.identifier.thesoz | 10052496 | |
internal.identifier.thesoz | 10054894 | |
internal.identifier.thesoz | 10056693 | |
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internal.identifier.thesoz | 10047736 | |
internal.identifier.thesoz | 10096237 | |
internal.identifier.thesoz | 10034608 | |
internal.identifier.thesoz | 10034609 | |
dc.type.stock | monograph | de |
dc.type.document | Stellungnahme | de |
dc.type.document | comment | en |
dc.source.pageinfo | 4 | de |
internal.identifier.classoz | 10505 | |
internal.identifier.document | 27 | |
dc.contributor.corporateeditor | Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik -SWP- Deutsches Institut für Internationale Politik und Sicherheit | |
internal.identifier.corporateeditor | 292 | |
internal.identifier.ddc | 327 | |
dc.identifier.doi | https://doi.org/10.18449/2020C06 | de |
dc.description.pubstatus | Veröffentlichungsversion | de |
dc.description.pubstatus | Published Version | en |
internal.identifier.licence | 3 | |
internal.identifier.pubstatus | 1 | |
internal.identifier.review | 2 | |
internal.identifier.series | 756 | |
dc.subject.classhort | 10500 | de |
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